Voting rights for non-resident citizens

Guest post by Blain Neufeld

So there will be a federal election in Canada on October 19th. I’m a Canadian citizen. But from 2007 to this year I was not able to vote in federal Canadian elections. The reason is that – despite living in Canada on a regular, albeit sporadic, basis (2-3 months every year, depending upon my teaching schedule) – my primary residence was abroad (Ireland until 2008, the United States from 2008 to 2014). Fortunately, my year in Toronto has ‘re-booted’ my residency here, so I will be able to vote in the forthcoming election.  But more than a million other Canadians who live abroad will not be able to do so.Since 1993, Canadians who live abroad for more than 5 years have been ineligible to vote.  Until 2007, however, merely visiting Canada was enough to ‘reset the clock’ with respect to one’s status (that is, after a visit, one would have to be away for another 5 years in order to lose the right to vote).  In May 2014, Ontario Superior Court Justice Michael Penny ruled that this part of the Canada Elections Act was unconstitutional.  Unfortunately, a couple of weeks ago the Ontario Court of Appeal overturned this decision, thereby once again taking away the right of non-resident citizens to vote.  Hopefully this case will now go to the Supreme Court of Canada.  If it does, I’m optimistic that the voting rights of all Canadians will be affirmed and protected.  But until then, over a million Canadian citizens are denied the right to vote.There has been a flurry of editorials and opinions pieces in the Canadian press recently over this issue.  The actor Donald Sutherland would like to be able vote again, and made his case in The Globe and Mail.  I admire his refusal to become a dual citizen.  Disappointingly, however, his piece is little more than a rant.  Given his fame, though, it has prompted further public discussion (e.g., this episode of CBC Radio’s ‘The Current’ [the host of which is terrible, but the first two guests have intelligent things to say]).

Central to the decision by the Ontario Court of Appeals is its claim that non-resident citizens should not be able to vote because the laws of the government of Canada do not affect their lives significantly, unlike the lives of resident citizens. This strikes me as both irrelevant and incorrect. I’ll explain why it’s irrelevant below. Why it is incorrect seems obvious: Canadian foreign policy affects non-residents’ lives in significant ways – far more than it does the lives of most residents.  Moreover, Canadian citizens have the right to return to Canada at any time.  So any laws passed by the government will affect profoundly citizens’ lives upon their return to the country.  And of course, many non-resident Canadians have family and other significant relations in Canada, as well as property and other ties. The laws of the Canada directly affect these interests.

Mark MacKinnon, a journalist for The Globe and Mail, makes a solid case that the Court’s reasoning is misguided in his opinion piece, “I am Canadian – but now not as much as I used to be.”  A piece at Rabble.ca by Raksha Vasudevan also does a decent job in rebutting the Court’s claim that the laws and policies of the federal government have no significant impact on the lives of non-residents.

In any case, as I mentioned earlier, the ‘impact’ or ‘profundity of effect’ justification for denying non-resident citizens the right to vote is irrelevant.  Voting rights are based on citizenship. According to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, “Every citizen of Canada has the right to vote in an election of the members of the House of Commons.” If impact were the criterion for determining who should be able to vote in elections, then non-Canadians who reside in Canada should have that right.  (And maybe they should have the right to vote.  There certainly is an interesting discussion to be had on that question.  But the current understanding of ‘citizenship’ and its associated rights and duties, within Canada and most other liberal democratic societies, is not residency-based.)  Jackson Doughart makes something like this point in his piece at The National Post.

The five-year limit on non-resident citizens’ right to vote, I should point out, applies to all non-resident citizens, not simply dual citizens who do not reside in Canada.  (I mention this because such dual citizens seem to be the focus of some conservative defences of the law.)  Now I can understand – and indeed agree with – a requirement that dual citizens vote in only one country’s elections (presumably the one in which they currently reside, or most recently resided). But most Canadians who live abroad are not dual citizens.  I am not a dual citizen.  (And I probably never will become one. I think that the concept or dual  or plural citizenship is philosophically incoherent. However, I’ll try to defend that claim on another day).

Now one difficulty for defending the right of non-resident Canadians to vote concerns the role of ‘ridings’ (electoral districts) in the Canadian parliamentary system. In theory, every Canadian lives in a particular riding, and during an election the candidate who receives the most votes from the people who live in that riding becomes the Member of Parliament (MP) for that riding. But many non-residents don’t have a riding in any meaningful sense. While letting non-resident citizens vote for candidates in the ridings in which they last resided is better than denying them the right to vote altogether, there is, I think, a better option.

This brings me to the opinion piece by Mark Kerten, a researcher at the Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto.  He points out that some other democratic societies provide special representation for non-residents:

Instead of constructing barriers to democratic participation, what a progressive government could, and should, do is to create a handful of members of Parliament to directly represent Canadians who live abroad. France and Italy already have parliamentarians who represent their respective diasporas. Why not have MPs on Parliament Hill to represent the unique interests and diversity of Canadians living abroad? Surely that could only enrich our democracy.

I’ve long thought that Canada should adopt something like the French model and allocate a number of seats in the House of Commons (perhaps 10-12) to non-residents.  (If this should ever happen, then my dream of becoming the MP for the riding of the ‘Greater Great Lakes Region West’ might finally come true!)

In any case, I have the right to vote in this election, and I look forward to exercising it on October 19th.  Hopefully a new government will come to power on that day, one that takes seriously the rights of all Canadians.

Comments

Voting rights for non-resident citizens — 7 Comments

  1. What in your view makes the dual citizen case so different that it justifies withholding the vote from them but not from Canadian citizens (who are not not dual citizens) living outside Canada?

    (I’m in the weird case of having dual-citizenship but will soon be living in a third country in which I’ll have no voting rights. It seems conceptually difficult to assert a right for me to vote in one of the countries in which I hold citizenship despite living in neither without asserting a right for me to vote in both).

  2. re “In any case, as I mentioned earlier, the ‘impact’ or ‘profundity of effect’ justification for denying non-resident citizens the right to vote is irrelevant. Voting rights are based on citizenship. According to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, “Every citizen of Canada has the right to vote in an election of the members of the House of Commons.” If impact were the criterion for determining who should be able to vote in elections, then non-Canadians who reside in Canada should have that right. (And maybe they should have the right to vote. There certainly is an interesting discussion to be had on that question. But the current understanding of ‘citizenship’ and its associated rights and duties, within Canada and most other liberal democratic societies, is not residency-based.) ”

    This argument, along with the Vasudevan article at rabble you link to, betrays a misconception of the issues at play in the Court of Appeal decision and what it actually decided.

    Of course the right to vote is based on citizenship. But no one, not even the Attorney General in this case, disputed that the law in question infringed the right to vote. The key issue was whether the infringement was justifiable. The fact that voting rights are based on citizenship does not make other considerations irrelevant at the justification stage. No one was saying that impact is the criterion for who has the right; the issue was whether the particular curtailment in question could be justified based on some countervailing public policy concern. Nothing is per se irrelevant to that analysis; the scope of the right does not dictate the relevance of possible countervailing justifications.

    Now, I agree that the Court of Appeal’s decision is a travesty, and I also think that Justice Laskin’s dissent is, to say the least, strong. But I won’t get into why I think that. Just wanted to try to correct what I perceive to be somewhat of an error in your reasoning.

    • Thanks Phil. Your point looks right to me. I regret that I was not more careful in my post. I will reformulate this criticism in the future.

      What led me astray, I think, is the Court’s reference to the ‘social contract’ (“the importance of the social contract between Canada’s electorate and Parliament”). The reasoning here seems to be that only those who are pervasively affected by the laws should have a role in shaping them. This looks like a justification for, if not the right to vote itself (which is based on citizenship), what may be called an ‘effective’ right to vote. Or more precisely in this case, it is a justification for denying certain citizens an effective right to vote (namely, that their lives are not pervasively affected by the decisions of Parliament). According to the Court’s social contract reasoning, if non-resident citizens have a role in shaping the laws, despite not being affected significantly by them, the social contract is ‘eroded.’ So while the Court recognized that the right to vote is based on citizenship, it referred to the idea of a social contract – the ‘impact’ rationale that I criticized – in order to determine which citizens should be able to exercise effectively that right, and which citizens should not (that is, which citizens’ rights should be overridden).

      (It is worth noting that the government never made reference to this idea of a social contract in its argument.)

      • I agree here. This is part of why I describe the decision as a travesty :D
        Another interesting problem with the majority’s reasoning, IMO, is pointed out in Justice Laskin’s dissent: the ‘shifting purpose’ reasoning, normally forbidden, that the majority inexplicably accepts. But this is somewhat of a dry, technical legal point.
        Thanks for your response!

  3. Hi Dave. My view regarding dual citizens and voting is not that they should be denied the vote altogether, but rather that they should vote in only one country. So, for instance, I think that someone who is both a Canadian and an American citizen, lives in the U.S., and votes in the U.S., should not also vote in Canada. For a single person to vote in two countries strikes me as inegalitarian (such a person enjoys the political power of two citizens). (I have some other half-baked thoughts about why dual citizenship is problematic, based upon what I think is the most plausible account of citizenship, but I won’t share them now.)

    As for dual citizens who live in a third country (and given that this form of citizenship does exist, whatever its philosophical merits), I think that such citizens should be able to vote in one of the countries of which they are citizens. I’m not sure what criterion/criteria to use to decide between the two countries. Most recent place of residency seems like a plausible criterion, as does the existence of family or other ties (e.g., owning property in country Y but not country Z), or being raised in one country but not the other. But I’ll have to think more about this.

  4. Blain, do you file taxes as a resident or deemed resident of Canada? (Given your faculty position, I’m inclined to think not.) Does the social contract only work in one direction, i.e., are we obliged to give you 100% of the benefits of citizenship, including voting rights, while you shoulder only a subset of the burdens of citizenship?